This is taking place against the backdrop of a political crisis in relations between Ukraine and Poland. Formally, the crisis has been ongoing since 20 June, when Polish President Karol Nawrocki stripped Volodymyr Zelenskyy of the Order of the White Eagle.
This highlighted the different approaches taken by Ukraine and Poland to the memory of the Volhynia tragedy and the UPA. However, another sign of the bilateral crisis can also be observed — a shift in attitudes towards Ukrainian refugees.
What do Ukrainians in Poland and Poles who continue to help refugees think about this? And how is Nawrocki’s policy influencing these shifts in public sentiment? We explore these questions in a special report from Poland by Suspilne.
"I want the perpetrators to be found": hate crimes against Ukrainians
26 July 2026, Wrocław
Near a shop in this town, three men attacked a couple from Ukraine: a girl called Anastasiia and a boy called Maksym. In a video filmed from the window of one of the nearby houses, it can be seen that the attackers ran up to the victims themselves and attacked the boy. The girl tried to protect him — she was also struck.
“Today, my daughter Nastia and her boyfriend Maksym were brutally beaten in a shop in Poland. The reason was her Ukrainian accent,” wrote Anastasiia’s mother, Karyna Kitsai, on Threads and Facebook shortly afterwards. She urged anyone who cared to share her post so that as many people as possible would find out about the incident.
“I would particularly ask the Polish people to help raise awareness of this case. Let’s not allow such a tragedy to go unnoticed. I want the perpetrators to be found and held to account for what they have done,” wrote the mother of the girl who was attacked.
The local public prosecutor’s office stated that the incident was motivated by ethnicity. Shortly afterwards, law enforcement officers apprehended two of the three attackers: one aged 27 and the other 45. Both had previously served prison sentences.
Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk commented on the attack: “An extremely brutal attack on a Ukrainian couple. I would not have mentioned this at the opening of the cabinet meeting had such acts of violence not been recurring recently. All too often, Ukrainian men and women fall victim to them.”
The Polish Prime Minister has called on President Karol Nawrocki to publicly condemn the violence against Ukrainians. According to him, the attackers are receiving "political backing" from certain politicians.
“From the president to right-wing leaders — [they] also bear responsibility for this rise in violence and the decline in Poland’s standing,” he emphasised. “This culture of violence has grown bolder and more brazen, having also received political protection. It is no coincidence that the man who assaulted the Ukrainian woman boasted that he was a border guard.”
In response, the President’s spokesperson, Rafał Leszkiewicz, stated that any acts of violence and aggression must be strongly condemned and those responsible severely punished. He also accused Tusk’s government of "helplessness and the Interior Minister’s inability" to guarantee safety on the streets.
Nawrocki has never made any specific comments regarding crimes against Ukrainians. However, last year he vetoed a law against hate speech — on the grounds that it allegedly infringed on freedom of speech. The Ukrainian Consulate in Wrocław, meanwhile, noted that incidents of violence and aggression against Ukrainian citizens in Poland have recently become more frequent.
According to data from the Polish Office for Foreigners, there are around 1.5 million Ukrainians living in the country, of whom 936,000 have been granted temporary protection as refugees from the war.
Polish and Ukrainian media regularly report on incidents of hate speech or physical violence against Ukrainians in Poland. Some of these cases involve minors. In some instances, the victims are Polish citizens who were defending Ukrainians or who were simply mistaken for refugees from Ukraine.
Statistics from the Polish Police Headquarters suggest that this may be a trend. Indeed, since the start of 2026, the number of reports of hate crimes against Ukrainian citizens in Poland has risen by a third.
However, the number of such recorded offences has been rising in Poland year on year for at least the last 20 years. This can be partly explained by the fact that people have, in general, begun to report incidents to the police more frequently and to defend their rights more actively. For example, in 2007, 40 offences motivated by national, racial or other prejudices were recorded in Poland. By 2024, this figure had risen to 1,940. But the increase in recent years is particularly striking. Between the first seven months of 2024 and the same period in 2025, this figure rose by 41 per cent. It is noteworthy that in Warsaw, between 2024 and 2025, such crimes increased by 84 per cent.
Ukrainians account for 78 per cent of all foreigners living in Poland. This is a telling statistic. "For many people in Poland, living in a mono-ethnic society was still the norm. In contrast, living in a place where people from a different culture live or work alongside us was something new. Even when it comes to a culture as close as the Ukrainian one,” explains Rafał Pankowski, a sociologist and editor of the magazine "Never Again’, as well as coordinator of the Centre for Monitoring Racism in Warsaw, explaining one of the reasons behind this trend.
In his view, this creates a sense of threat, which causes some people to react with xenophobia or hostility, particularly towards refugees from Ukraine. “They perceive this as a threat to the identity of Polish society as a culturally homogeneous entity,” says the sociologist.
Almost every day, his organisation and he personally contact the administrators of Facebook, X and TikTok, demanding that they remove various pieces of xenophobic content. A number of these posts and comments concern Ukrainians in Poland. Pankowski is convinced that the management of these online platforms should take more active measures to prevent their spread.
Meanwhile, the Polish police have introduced new criterion for assessing their effectiveness in responding to hate crimes against Ukrainians. From 2026, the actions of law enforcement officers will be assessed based on whether they have succeeded in investigating and bringing to court cases involving attacks on people or public insults against them motivated by national prejudice. This was reported to Suspilne by the Polish Police Headquarters.
From May 2026, data on these crimes against Ukrainians will be listed separately within the general list of hate crimes investigated by Polish law enforcement agencies.
The fight against them is not based solely on criminal law. The police are also guided by the Polish Act of 13 April 2022 "On special measures to counter support for aggression against Ukraine and to protect national security".
Rafał Pankowski, a sociologist, editor of the magazine "Never Again" and coordinator of the Centre for Monitoring Racism in Warsaw, speaks to a journalist from Suspilne. Warsaw, Poland, July 2026. Suspilne News/Oksana Seniv
Rafal Pankowski is convinced that Russia is fuelling hostility by spreading provocative content and manipulating the facts. “Russian propaganda stirs up every possible point of contention between Poles and Ukrainians. Sometimes it falls on fertile ground, as the potential for prejudice and xenophobia proves to be a resource that can be exploited,” he says.
"We will be grateful to you for the rest of our lives": Poles helping Ukrainians
12 July 2026, Warsaw
The Volhynia March is taking place on Marshalkovska Street in the centre of the capital. This is one of a series of similar events held in various cities across Poland in July 2026 to commemorate the Poles who were victims of the Volhynia tragedy. Some of these were organised by Grzegorz Braun’s far-right political group, the "Confederation of the Polish Crown". Others were co-ordinated by Katarzyna Sokolowska’s organisation, "We Remember Volhynia".
What they have in common are slogans against Ukraine’s "Bandera ideology" and other anti-Ukrainian rhetoric, which at times takes on extreme forms. For example, during the march, representatives of the Confederation called for "Ukrainians in Poland to sign a document pledging anti-Bandera loyalty".
On average, several hundred people took part in these marches. In Warsaw — a city with a population of nearly two million — the Volhynia marches attracted up to half a thousand participants.
Participants in the Volhynia March in Warsaw, 12 July 2026. Such commemorative events for the Polish victims of the Volhynia tragedy took place in various cities across Poland in July 2026. Suspilne News/Oksana Seniv
Participants in the Volhynia March in Warsaw, 12 July 2026. Such commemorative events for the Polish victims of the Volhynia tragedy took place in various cities across Poland in July 2026. Suspilne News/Oksana Seniv
One of the staff members at the "A Forest of Hands" arts shop stepped out onto the pavement on Marshalkovskaya Street and made a gesture of disapproval towards the marchers’ slogans. Two days later, a man burst into the shop and smashed the souvenirs and arts and crafts. It transpired that he himself had not taken part in the Volyn march. He had read about the events on Marshalkovska Street on social media.
The Polish police have arrested the attacker. The police have also launched an investigation into another Polish citizen for making threats against the shop’s staff. The staff continued to receive such threats afterwards, but they are still speaking out openly about their views.
What’s more, they received support from thousands of people all over the world — from Poland to the UK: some sent money towards the reconstruction, some bought works of art, and some wrote a kind letter.
"A Forest of Hands" brings together Polish artists from across the country. Throughout its 16 years of operation, the shop and those who run it have been supporting people in need. These include people with disabilities, the homeless and children with autism. The artists and shop staff raise funds for these people and organise charity events.
When Russia invaded Ukraine, it felt only natural for "A Forest of Hands" to help refugees and Ukrainian soldiers. They sent parcels to Ukraine and raised funds for those fleeing the war.
"We will be grateful to the Ukrainians for the rest of our lives. Ukraine is also defending our borders. Ukraine is defending Europe’s borders. Its sacrifice is immense. And Putin’s Russian manipulation is appalling. People are being taken in by fake videos and made-up stories. The Polish government is not responding as it should,” says Sofiia Boruchynska, owner of "A Forest of Hands", in an interview with Suspilne.
Sofiia Boruchynska, owner of the "A Forest of Hands" art shop, Warsaw, Poland, July 2026. "A Forest of Hands" brings together Polish artists from across the country. Suspilne News/Oksana Seniv
This conversation with her was recorded in the shop, which had already been restored following the attack. Hanging above Ms Sofiia’s head were dozens of whimsical handcrafted items in the shape of birds, butterflies and mythical creatures from ancient myths. They are all destined to adorn someone’s home one day. People from all over the world come here to buy unique, handmade Polish souvenirs.
Sofiia Boruchynska speaks candidly about the complex chapters in the shared history of Ukraine and Poland, whilst criticising the current politicisation of the tragedies of the past.
"My grandfather and grandmother were Poles from Lviv. Among our ancestors are those who were killed in Volhynia. There are those who were killed in Katyn. In our families, there are heroes of the Second World War, Home Army officers who were killed by the NKVD for hiding Jews in their cellar. Poland and Ukraine share a complex history. Both Poles and Ukrainians have done terrible things,” notes the owner of "A Forest of Hands". But ultimately, she sums up our conversation about the past and the present as follows: “We must look forward, not back. Just forward.”
The founders of the "A Forest of Hands" shop support people in need — they raise funds for them and organise charity events. When Russia invaded Ukraine, they began helping refugees and Ukrainian soldiers. Suspilne News/Oksana Seniv
A similar view is expressed by volunteers from the non-governmental organisation Asymetryści, who continue to help Ukrainian refugees on an almost daily basis. Every week, they meet people fleeing the war in Poland and help them find accommodation in hostels or private flats. From there, many go on to other EU countries.
Sitting at a table in one of these Warsaw hostels, the initiative’s coordinators talk about the daily challenges they face in their work: one moment they need to find accommodation for two elderly people who are unwell; the next, they have to welcome a family with cats and dogs; and then they have to explain to Ukrainian children what an aeroplane in the sky is. Because the children have never seen one due to the war.
‘Ukrainian refugees in Poland have never enjoyed better conditions than Poles. Of course, this claim crops up in the rhetoric of politicians across the political spectrum. But it is completely untrue. At the same time, ethics, morality and the Polish Constitution all require that everyone be treated equally,” says Justyna Grabowska, coordinator of Asymetryści. “That is precisely why people who come here fleeing the war cannot be left without basic medical care, as is currently the case.”
“The closure of collective accommodation centres, which began recently and is still ongoing, is an absolute tragedy, because some people are being forced to leave at short notice. There have already been many such cases,” adds Justyna.
Justyna Grabowska, coordinator of the Polish non-governmental organisation Asymetryści, which helps Ukrainian refugees. Warsaw, July 2026. Suspilne News/Oksana Seniv
Since March 2026, Ukrainian refugees have been unable to access free state healthcare in Poland. This decision by the Polish government applies to all refugees without exception. Charitable foundations are now partially meeting this need.
Local authorities in counties and towns have also closed some of the special accommodation facilities for the most socially vulnerable Ukrainians who have been forced to move to Poland because of the war. For example, in the Pomeranian Voivodeship, out of 50 such facilities, 33 remain open, housing 770 Ukrainian citizens with disabilities and elderly people.
How important are complex issues from the past to Asymetryści volunteers today? “I myself only recently learnt which day marks the commemoration of the victims of the Volhynia tragedy (in Poland, it is 11 July — ed.). This issue wasn’t particularly prominent in the minds of Poles. Of course, it existed. But recently it has been blown out of proportion, particularly due to Russia’s actions,” says Justyna Grabowska.
Her colleague in the volunteer initiative, Tadeusz Jakżewski, describes historical topics as "political gold". "Sociologists and political scientists have long known that after a period of such enthusiasm – such as the mass support for Ukrainians at the start of the invasion – a downturn was inevitable. There was bound to come a time when, for example, there would be 300,000 Ukrainian citizens living in Warsaw. This was bound to lead to a certain amount of animosity,” says the volunteer. He adds: “When politicians realised this, it suddenly became apparent that they could bring to the surface the things that divide us. And what divides us is Volhynia.”
Tadeusz Jakżewski, a volunteer with Asymetryści. Warsaw, Poland, July 2026. Suspilne News/Oksana Seniv
Towards the end of our conversation, Tadeusz reflects on what will stay with him most from all these years of war and helping Ukrainians. It is not the historical disputes, nor is it the political crisis between the two countries.
These are Ukrainian children who saw a civilian aeroplane in the sky for the first time, and girls from Mariupol who compared the palm trees in Gdańsk with those in their home town. Except that, at that time, those palm trees had been burnt down by Russian shelling.
"This isn’t our war": Polish far-right activists against Ukraine
12 July 2026, Warsaw
“What we are now seeing is the spread of the horrors of war, terror and carnage onto our territory,” exclaims Grzegorz Braun, a Member of the European Parliament and leader of the far-right political party "Confederation of the Polish Crown", from the stage. He emphasises that Russia’s war against Ukraine is not Poland’s war.
Brown and his party colleagues also insist that all aid to Ukrainian refugees should be withdrawn. They also call for an end to support for Ukraine – military and financial – and for Poland to stop sharing fuel with the country. Otherwise, they believe, the war could spread to Polish soil.
Economic statistics completely refute their claims that refugees are a "burden" on Poland. According to data from the Polish Economic Institute, around 80 per cent of Ukrainians in the country are in work. This is a higher proportion than among Polish citizens.
In 2025, Ukrainians paid 15 billion zlotys in taxes without receiving any special benefits from the state. Under the "800+" support programme for families with children, Ukrainians received 2.8 billion zlotys from the state. This money was paid out on a general basis.
The World Bank has estimated that, in 2024, Ukrainian citizens contributed to a 2.7 per cent increase in Poland’s GDP.
Grzegorz Braun, a Member of the European Parliament and leader of the Polish far-right political party "Confederation of the Polish Crown", speaks during the Volhynia March in Warsaw on 12 July 2026. Suspilne News/Oksana Seniv
The "Confederation of the Polish Crown" makes no mention of any of this. It holds three seats in the Polish Sejm (which has a total of 460 seats). Another party that split from it — the "Confederation of Freedom and Independence" — holds a further 16 seats. Brown’s political group has formed its own bloc in parliament. It has a reputation as Poland’s most radical parliamentary force, whose leader attends events at the Russian embassy and opposes any aid to Ukraine.
Brown and his like-minded colleagues are also targeting the current Prime Minister, Donald Tusk of the "Civic Coalition", and his predecessor, Mateusz Morawiecki of "PiS". These far-right politicians are convincing Poles that government officials are harming Poland by supporting Ukraine in its struggle against Russian aggression.
According to Rafał Pankowski, these political forces are using historical issues to boost their poll ratings. Parliamentary elections are due to take place in Poland in the autumn of 2027. In the race for voters’ support, politicians are resorting to rhetoric that could fuel inter-ethnic hostility.
Political parties are already beginning to vie for the votes of undecided voters. The opposition party "Law and Justice" is doing the same. "It is competing for voters" votes with the “Confederation” as well. It is easier for them to do so on the subject of history than, for example, on the subject of the economy,” notes Edwin Bendyk, a journalist and columnist, and head of the Stefan Batory Foundation.
However, the leader of this political party, Jarosław Kaczyński, is in favour of providing aid to Ukraine, believing that this is in Poland’s interests.
"I don’t feel any change": the sociology of public opinion and the experiences of Ukrainians
15 July 2026, Warsaw
At the entrance to the Uniters charity, Ukrainian refugees are queuing for bread. Most of them are over 70 years old, and some have disabilities. The food is provided by Polish supermarkets.
Uniters is currently helping some of them to pay for expensive treatment. However, as of July, there is only enough money to last three months. Uniters’ chair, Halyna Andrushkov, does not yet know what will happen next. According to her, some people may die without medication or medical care. Some are already in a critical condition due to a lack of access to any medical treatment.
Among the visitors to the foundation is 79-year-old Borys Kaptsan from Zaporizhzhia. Before retiring, Mr Borys worked as an engineer. When the full-scale invasion began, he and his wife moved to Warsaw, where his son was already living. Both his son and his wife now work in Poland.
He says he didn’t give up when he found out he would no longer have access to free healthcare in Poland. And he points out that politicians’ focus on complex historical issues is a mistake at a time of war and the threat Russia poses to Europe.
“This isn’t politics, it’s politicking. When it comes to the Volhynia tragedy, the Home Army itself carried out the very same actions that were carried out on our side,” says Mr Borys. “This should be left to historians to judge. [Politicians, on the other hand] are waging war against their own state when they put Ukraine in this position.”
Borys Kaptsan, aged 79, worked as an engineer in Zaporizhzhia until he retired. He moved to Poland with his wife when the full-scale Russian invasion began. Suspilne News/Oksana Seniv
Ukrainian displaced persons at the entrance to the Uniters charity foundation building, where they are receiving humanitarian aid. Warsaw, Poland, 15 July 2026. Suspilne News/Oksana Seniv
While waiting in the queue, 77-year-old Ms Halyna also shared her thoughts. She moved to Warsaw from Kyiv at the start of the war. She explains that she has made new friends amongst the Poles. A Polish lady, who lived alone, helped her find accommodation and shared her home with Ms Halyna.
The woman does not feel that her attitude towards herself or other Ukrainians has changed. She admits that they simply do not discuss topics that might divide them or provoke negative emotions.
“In the circle of friends I keep in touch with, everything remains just as it was before. I’m friends with people from Warsaw and other Polish cities. And they’ve always supported us, and continue to do so. We always give each other a hug, and always wish each other the very best,” says Ms Halyna.
77-year-old Ms Halyna moved to Warsaw from Kyiv at the start of the full-scale war. She lives with a Polish woman who used to live alone and has taken Halyna into her home. Suspilne News/Oksana Seniv
At the same time, sociological data from recent years point to certain changes in public sentiment.
According to a survey by the Centre for Public Opinion Research (CBOS), in February 2025, 30% of Poles stated that they had a positive attitude towards Ukrainians. 27% had a neutral attitude towards them. At the same time, 38% of those surveyed expressed a negative attitude, whilst 5% were unable to give a clear answer. These results were obtained by surveying 972 people in January 2025.
By way of comparison: in February 2024, 40 per cent of Poles had a positive view of Ukrainians, 26 per cent were neutral, and 30 per cent had a negative view.
A survey conducted by the Meroshevsky Centre in December 2025 reveals a slightly different picture. This centre is a government institution that studies Poland’s relations with the countries of Eastern Europe. According to the survey, 39 per cent of Poles expressed a positive view of Ukrainians, 35 per cent a negative one, and 15 per cent a neutral one. Over 1,000 respondents took part in this survey in November–December 2025.
At the same time, Centrum Mieroszewskiego surveyed Ukrainians in Poland and found that positive attitudes towards Poles significantly outweighed negative ones. In 2025, 6 per cent of Ukrainians viewed Poles very favourably, 37 per cent favourably, 49 per cent neutrally, and 6 per cent unfavourably.
Since 2022, according to opinion polls, Ukrainians’ attitudes towards Poles have shifted mainly from "very favourable’ to ‘favourable’ — without any negative perceptions emerging or becoming widespread. Thus, in 2022, 46 per cent of Ukrainians viewed Poles very favourably, 37 per cent favourably, and a further 15 per cent neutrally. Fewer than 1% of those surveyed expressed a negative attitude. These sentiments, in particular, reflected Ukrainians’ gratitude to the Poles for their help at the start of the full-scale war.
Even today, in Poland itself, one often hears that period in relations between Poles and Ukrainians described as a time of "open hearts".
A volunteer with the Uniters Foundation. Warsaw, Poland, 15 July 2026. Suspilne News/Oksana Seniv
An employee of the Uniters charity foundation talks to Ukrainian women who have been displaced and have sought help. Warsaw, 15 July 2026. Suspilne News/Oksana Seniv
"We don’t know how to deal with a strong Ukraine": Ukrainian agency and Poland
11 July, the village of Radruzh, Podkarpackie Voivodeship
Polish President Karol Nawrocki is standing amongst the Ukrainian graves in the old cemetery, next to the Polish memorial to Poles who died during the Second World War at the hands of the UPA.
"There is a nationalist, inhumane ideology, and German Nazism served as its model. It was precisely this, ladies and gentlemen, that led to the horrific genocide in Volhynia. This was also reflected in the symbolism of the red-and-black flag, which, in its symbolism and aesthetics, alluded to what the Germans called "blood and soil,” he said.
The Polish president was thus referring to the UPA flag, which symbolises the organisation’s struggle, first and foremost against imperial Russia, for an independent Ukraine. Nawrocki is calling for the UPA flag to be banned.
Ukraine recognises the Volhynia tragedy as a case of mutual ethnic cleansing of Poles and Ukrainians in Volhynia in 1943.
Poland has recognised the actions of UPA soldiers in Volhynia against the local Polish population as genocide. This is precisely what President Karol Nawrocki is referring to. Poland is currently the only country to have classified these crimes as such. The Polish Sejm recognised the Volhynia tragedy as genocide on 22 July 2016. On that day, the lower house of parliament passed a resolution designating 11 July as a National Day of Remembrance for the victims of the events which it recognises as genocide committed by "Ukrainian nationalists against citizens of the Second Polish Republic".
At present, there are no rulings by international courts on this matter that could be relied upon. Ukraine recognises the reciprocity of crimes against the civilian population and accepts responsibility for the killings of Ukrainians by the Home Army and the killings of Poles by the UPA. As of July 2026, the identities of around 30,000 Poles and around 10,000 Ukrainians who lost their lives have been established.
However, the Polish head of state made no mention of the Ukrainian aspect of Radruzh’s history or the cemetery where he was standing. Before the Second World War, of the village’s 2,500 inhabitants, over 2,400 were Ukrainians. Poles and Jews also lived alongside them. After the war, the Ukrainians were forcibly resettled from there to the Ukrainian SSR.
Just three days before his trip to Radruzh, Karol Nawrocki met with Volodymyr Zelenskyy on the sidelines of the NATO summit in Ankara. They shook hands. In total, they spoke twice whilst in Turkey.
The Ukrainian president called for unity in the face of the common Russian threat. “In my view, we need to be constructive and tactful so as not to damage the important friendly neighbourly relations between Ukraine and Poland,” he emphasised.
Following the meeting in Ankara, Zelenskyy also decided to open the SSU archives relating to the Volhynia tragedy. He further ordered the expansion of search and exhumation operations in Volhynia with a view to locating the bodies of the Polish victims.
The Polish head of state also called for dialogue and joint action against Russia. He also mentioned historical disputes. “For me, issues concerning the UPA are not up for discussion. We have not managed to resolve our historical differences. But we did not expect to be able to resolve them all,” said Karol Nawrocki.
Relations between Warsaw and Kyiv are becoming more equal, and Poland is no longer "Ukraine’s gateway to Europe", notes Edwin Bendyk. From now on, Ukraine can engage directly with all the major global players.
“Have we ever seen Ukraine as a powerful player before? These days, it’s impossible not to notice Volodymyr Zelenskyy. It is he who is being invited to the G7 as a special guest, rather than Polish politicians. And this certainly has symbolic significance,” notes Edwin Bendyk.
The expert is convinced that politicians talk so much about historical issues because it is easier than formulating a new policy towards Ukraine. “This stems not only from domestic politics. Although that is important: if a topic is popular, politicians will exploit it. But it is also a reaction to a lack of ideas on how to cooperate with a strong Ukraine. We do not fully understand how to build relations with Ukraine as an entity that knows what it wants to achieve and will not allow others to dictate what it should do,” he says.
No one mentioned the Order of the White Eagle any more, neither at the NATO summit in Ankara nor at the old Ukrainian cemetery in Radruja.
On the Day of Remembrance for the Victims of the Volhynia Tragedy, Vasyl Bodnar, Ukraine’s Ambassador to Poland, knelt and laid a wreath at the memorial in Volhynia Square in Warsaw on 11 July 2026. Suspilne News/Oksana Seniv
An article written by Zhanna Bezpiatchuk (Suspilne), initially published on 1 August 2026, 10:01 (CEST)