Preparations for the holiday have been underway for weeks, as Moscow looks to reaffirm its central role in defeating Nazi Germany and ending World War II.
The period from 1941 to 1945, when the Soviet Union fought against the Third Reich, is referred to in Russia as the Great Patriotic War.
Germany signed its act of surrender late on May 8, 1945—but due to the time difference, it was already May 9 in Moscow. While much of the West marks Victory in Europe Day on May 8, Russia celebrates it a day later.
The term "Great Patriotic War" was first used by Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov after Germany invaded the USSR on June 22, 1941. The war effort helped forge a new Soviet identity rooted in sacrifice and collective defense.
Today, Victory Day remains a pillar of Russian state ideology. President Vladimir Putin and other officials have repeatedly sought to preserve the image of a unified “Soviet people” and their role in defeating fascism.
In a 2021 Red Square address, Putin claimed the USSR won the war alone, ignoring the contributions of the Western Allies.
The trauma of the war remains profound: roughly 26.5 million Soviet citizens—both military and civilian—died, amounting to more than 13 percent of the population. Ukraine and Belarus suffered the highest proportional losses.
Despite this, grand military parades were rare in the immediate postwar years. The first was held on June 24, 1945. After that, parades were mostly reserved for milestone anniversaries in 1965, 1975 and 1985.
Annual celebrations only began in 1995, after the Soviet Union collapsed. Heavy military equipment did not return to Red Square until 2008—the year Russia invaded Georgia.
Victory Day has long served as a platform for international diplomacy. In 2005, the presidents of France and the United States, as well as Poland’s Aleksander Kwaśniewski, joined the 60th anniversary celebrations.
But by 2015, after Russia’s annexation of Crimea and aggression in eastern Ukraine, attendance had dwindled to leaders from a few former Soviet states— Armenia, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan—and allies such as China, Cuba and North Korea.
By 2022, after Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, no foreign leaders attended the Moscow parade. The Kremlin cited the lack of a "round" anniversary, but the real reason was likely diplomatic isolation.
That year, Putin used his speech to justify the war in Ukraine, accusing Kyiv of preparing aggression and criticising the United States.
In 2023, his rhetoric became even more aggressive. Half of his speech focused on the Ukraine conflict, again drawing parallels to World War II. Foreign guests returned but were limited to leaders from former Soviet republics: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Armenia and Belarus.
In 2024, attendance remained largely unchanged, though leaders from Cuba, Laos and Guinea-Bissau joined. Putin struck a more measured tone and even mentioned the WWII-era anti-Hitler coalition.
Victory Day isn’t just about the military parade. It also features the "Immortal Regiment" march, where participants carry portraits of relatives who fought in World War II. Though grassroots in origin, the event was quickly co-opted by the state. In recent years, portraits of soldiers from Russia’s wars in Syria and Ukraine's Donbas region have appeared in the procession.
The black-and-orange "Ribbon of St. George," originally tied to the WWII victory medal, also became prominent again in 2005 through a campaign launched by state media.
After 2014, it became associated with Russian-backed separatists in Ukraine. Its use is now banned in Ukraine and has been replaced by other symbols even in close Russian allies such as Belarus and Kazakhstan.
May 9 is marked by various events, some veering into the bizarre: children build miniature tanks, stores offer discounts for veterans, and slogans such as “Thanks, Grandpa, for the Victory,” “To Berlin!” and “We can do it again!” appear in shop windows and on car decals.
This over-the-top spectacle has even earned its own nickname: pobedobesie, or "Victory-mania."
For Putin, the Soviet era remains central to Russia’s national identity. Victory Day celebrations reinforce his narrative of a powerful state resisting fascism—then and now. He casts himself as a modern-day Stalin, fighting imaginary Nazis in Ukraine and invoking the Soviet Union's past glory to maintain influence over former Soviet republics.
But as the parade of history rolls on, what Moscow offers is not genuine unity or strength—only the illusion of a return to the past.
Piotr Pogorzelski
The author is deputy editor-in-chief of Polskie Radio dla Zagranicy.